CIA Walivyomchora Rais Kikwete Kabla ya Kuwa Rais

 Kutoka WikiLeaks:

The President of Tanzania Hon. Jakaya Kikwete

C) Kikwete represents the "young Turk" segment of the CCM party. He is popular, politically adroit, charismatic and very ambitious. In socially conservative Tanzania, however, Kikwete's relative youth - he is 55 - has worked against him. So has his playboy reputation. As the party has increasingly emphasized experience and education, Kikwete has a built an impressive resume. Since 1995, Kikwete has been Foreign Minister and also the MP for Chalinze Constituency. Previous government positions include Minister for Finance (1994-95), and Deputy Minister, then Minister for Energy, Minerals and Water (1990- 94.) For the twenty years before his government service, Kikwete served in various positions in the CCM party, and in its predecessor party, TANU.

 7. (U) Kikwete comes from the small town of Msogo, on the coast near Bagamoyo. He has a BA in economics from the University of Dar es Salaam.

 8. (C) An able politician, Kikwete is a somewhat unenthusiastic administrator. On Embassy row, his Foreign Ministry has a reputation for being understaffed and minimally responsive. Kikwete himself is personable, and conveys the impression that he will at least consider the views of foreign diplomats. Kikwete has signaled that he might discuss signing an Article 98 agreement with the US; the current President Benjamin Mkapa has firmly closed the door on any agreement for the remainder of his Presidency. For years, observers of the Great Lakes conflicts have considered Kikwete to be virulently pro-Hutu. Rumors that he was facilitating arms transfers to Burundian Hutu rebels persisted, but have never been substantiated. Kikwete's marriage to a cousin of former Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana may have fueled these rumors, which are now fading as the Burundi conflict winds down.

9. (u) Please see Embassy Dar es Salaam's SPRNet site for a complete update and background on the Tanzanian elections.

STILLMAN

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Viewing cable 06DARESSALAAM277, KIKWETE CORRUPTION TIDBIT
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06DARESSALAAM277 2006-02-14 03:38 2011-08-30 01:44 CONFIDENTIAL Embassy Dar Es Salaam

This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.
C O N F I D E N T I A L DAR ES SALAAM 000277 SIPDIS DEPT FOR INR, R.EHRENREICH E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/13/2016 TAGS:

PGOVPRELTZSUBJECT: KIKWETE CORRUPTION TIDBIT Classified By: Ambassador Michael Retzer, Reason 1.5 (d) ¶1. (C) President Kikwete has accepted gifts (bribes) from the owner of the Kempinski Hotel chain,s Tanzanian properties, a citizen of the United Arab Emirates. ¶2.

(C) In a conversation with the manager and the publicity director of Dar Es Salaam,s Kilimanjaro-Kempinski Hotel hours after accompanying A/S Frazer to her October 18, 2005 meeting with then-Foreign Minister Kikwete, I commented on Kikwete's flashy attire, asking "Who dresses him?" "We do," they responded. Initially thinking this meant Kikwete frequented a men,s shop in the hotel, I learned later in the evening from hotel publicity director Lisa Pile (protect) that the hotel owner*UAE citizen Ali Albwardy*had recently flown Kikwete to London for a subsidized shopping expedition.Among other things, on that trip Ali Albwardy bought Kikwete five Saville Row suits. He had also recently made a $1 million cash contribution to the CCM (which is a legal contribution under current Tanzanian law). 3

(C) Pile told me the Kempinski Hotel chain is greatly expanding its presence in Tanzania. She said that in December it would open "the best hotel in Zanzibar." Her prediction was a little off; the new Kempinski hotel, located on the beach on Zanzibar,s east coast, opened January 5. I attended the opening ceremony along with Zanzibari President Karume, who was asked publicly by Ali Albwardy for a site in Stone Town to build a new hotel. Later that day, Pile revealed that the Zanzibar government had already earmarked for Ali Albwardy a hotel site in Stone Town. ¶4.

(C) Pile also said in the October 18 conversation that Ali Abwardy was about to receive the rights to construct two new hotels on the mainland: one on the edge of Ngorongoro Crater and another on the Serengeti plain overlooking the main animal migration routes. Stringent conservation rules currently ban the construction of permanent structures inside national parks*including in the crater and on the Serengeti plain*but Pile said that in November legislation would be introduced to parliament to authorize the new hotels.

(Comment: We have received no reports on new legislation, but the Dar Es Salaam Daily News on January 15 reported that the Tanzania National Parks Authority had approved construction of a five star hotel on the Serengeti plain.) ¶4.

(C) Later on October 18, over dinner, an Indian/South Asian man described as a business associate of Ali Albwardy briefly took Pile from the table for a conversation in Kiswahili. I am not sure what was said, but Kikwete's name came up several times and he passed her an envelope. Pile told me the envelope was stuffed with 1 million shillings ( $1,000) and was to pay for a Kikwete meeting at the Kilmanjaro-Kempinski later that month. Apparently Kikwete is a regular customer, but no name ever appears on the hotel registry when a government bigshot has an "event" in one of the guest rooms. ¶5.

(C) Bio Note: Lisa Pile, an Australian citizen, has lived in Dar working for Kempinski Hotels since early 2004. Before that she had served in a similar capacity with the Kempinski chain in China. Her family in Australia is prominent in Australia's Liberal Party (the center-right party of Prime Minister John Howard). ¶6.

(C) Comment: What does it all mean? I don,t know, but my guess is that the investor Ali Albwardy has access to oil money out of the UAE. I suspect giving free clothes and the campaign donation is just the way these people do business. ¶7.

(C) For his part, Kikwete probably thinks having all these five star hotels around is a good idea for the country,and I agree with him. His new minister of Natural Resources and Tourism, Anthony Diallo, says he wants to double tourism,s contribution to the national economy in ten year,s time. Kikwete probably believes there is no harm in taking these "little gifts" to do what he would have been inclined to do anyway. That said, they are what they are: bribes.

http://wikileaks.org/cable/2006/02/06DARESSALAAM277.html

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Kutoka:

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/dec/19/wikileaks-cables-tanzania-bae-fears

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WikiLeaks cables: Tanzania official investigating BAE 'fears for his life'

Prosecutor Edward Hoseah voiced safety fears over inquiry into 'dirty deal' involving sale of radar system to government

Sunday 19 December 2010 21.30 GMT

President Jakaya Kikwete, pictured with George Bush in 2008, had his commitment to fighting corruption questioned, according to the cables. Photograph: Jim Watson/AFP/Getty Images

The Tanzanian prosecutor investigating worldwide misconduct by BAE, Britain's biggest arms company, confided to US diplomats that "his life may be in danger" and senior politicians in his small African country were "untouchable".

A leaked account of what the head of Tanzania's anti-corruption bureau, Edward Hoseah, termed the "dirty deal" by BAE to sell Tanzania an overpriced radar system, is revealed in the US embassy cables.

BAE is to appear in court in London tomorrow, when their system of making secret payments to secure arms contracts, exposed by the Guardian, will be officially detailed for the first time.

Every individual involved in the BAE scandal in Britain and Tanzania has escaped prosecution.

But the arms giant agreed with the UK Serious Fraud Office (SFO) to pay £30m in corporate reparations and fines, provided the word "corruption" did not appear on the indictment. A corruption conviction would debar the company from EU contracts.

The former overseas development secretary, Clare Short, said at the time: "It was always obvious that this useless project was corrupt."

Hoseah met a US diplomat, Purnell Delly, in Dar es Salaam in July 2007, and claimed (unrealistically it turned out) he would be able to prosecute guilty individuals in the BAE case. The US cable reports: "He called the deal 'dirty' and said it involved officials from the Ministry of Defence and at least one or two senior level military officers."

Hoseah spoke gloomily about the prospects for Tanzania's anti-corruption struggle and his original hopes to prosecute the "big fish" of corruption.

"He told us point blank ... that cases against the prime minister or the president were off the table ..." The cable then details allegations against former leaders and their inner circles, saying they would be "untouchable".

"He noted that President Kikwete does not appear comfortable letting the law handle corruption cases which might implicate top-level officials." The cable then says Kwitke "does not want to set a precedent" by going after any of his predecessors.

There were "widespread rumours of corruption within the Bank of Tanzania", Hoseah said, and the island region of Zanzibar was also "rife with corruption".

The diplomat noted: "Hoseah reiterated concern for his personal security ... saying he believed his life may be in danger ... He had received threatening text messages and letters and was reminded every day that he was fighting the 'rich and powerful'."

He might have to flee the country. He warned: "He said quietly: 'If you attend meetings of the inner-circle, people want you to feel as if they have put you there. If they see that you are uncompromising, there is a risk.' "

The US embassy noted in a "cynical" aside, that probably the only reason Hoseah felt obliged to attempt a BAE prosecution was because the SFO had presented him with "a fully developed case file, brimming with detailed evidence".

Today's court appearance by BAE is the culmination of lengthy attempts to bring the company to justice since the Guardian exposed its worldwide secret payment system.

The prime minister at the time, Tony Blair, intervened in 2006 to halt an SFO investigation into payments to members of the Saudi royal family.

The US department of justice has had more success than the SFO, forcing BAE to pay $400m (£260m) in penalties under the US Foreign Corrupt Practices Act.

£28m radar deal 'stank'


Tanzania, on Africa's east coast, is one of the poorest states in the world, formerly controlled in turn by Arab slavers, German colonists and the British.

At the time of the radar deal, life expectancy was 45.

Tanzania was forced to apply for debt relief from the west and was heavily dependent on aid. It is ravaged by HIV/Aids and its GDP per head is just $723 (£465).

President Benjamin Mkapa, whose regime did the deal, was succeeded in 2004 by his political colleague Jakaya Kikwete.

Tanzania, which has no air force, bought the military air defence radar from BAE in 2001 for £28m.

It was claimed the Commander system, which was portable and festooned with anti-jamming devices, could also be used for civilian air traffic control.

The country borrowed the cost from Barclays, adding to its debt burden. Both the World Bank and the International Civil Aviation Organisation called the purchase unnecessary and overpriced.

In London, the then development secretary, Clare Short, temporarily blocked aid payments in protest. "It stank," she now says of the sale.

She urged an export licence be withheld, but was overruled by Tony Blair himself. Robin Cook, then foreign secretary, recorded bitterly in his diary that Dick Evans [of BAE] seemed to have "the key to the garden door of No 10 [Downing St]".

In January 2007 the Guardian disclosed that BAE had used an offshore front company, Red Diamond, to secretly pay £8.4m, 30% of the radar's ostensible price, into a Swiss account.

The account was controlled by Tanzanian middleman Sailesh Vithlani. His "consultancy" agreement was, it is alleged, formally signed off in London by Evans.