Wapiga Picha wa Vyombo Vya Serikali Enzi Hizo!

 Nilifanya kazi nao wapiga picha nikiwa mwandishi wa habari Daily News miaka ya 1980's! Enzi zile tulikuwa wachache na wote tulijuana.  Mzee Makwaia alikuwa Mwalimu wetu TSJ. Alifariki tukiwa mwaka wa kwanza baada ya kugongwa na gari Morogoro Road.

 Kwa hisani ya Kaka Juma Dihule:

WAFAHAMU WAPIGAPICHA WA VYOMBO VYA SERIKALI ENZI HIZO.
Wapigapicha wa wakati huo ambapo vyombo vya habari vilimilikiwa na Serikali pamoja na chama tawala. Waliosimama nyuma toka kushoto marehemu Max Madebe (Mpigapicha Mkuu gazeti la Mfanyakazi, Marehemu Sam Mbando, mpigapicha mwandamizi Shirika la Habari Tanzania (SHIHATA), Marehemu Vincent Urio (Mpigapicha Mkuu magazeti ya Serikali ya Daily News & Sunday News, Marehemu John Makwaia ndiye aliyekuwa mwalimu wetu sisi wote na mpigapicha mkuu wa Serikali katika Idara ya Habari (MAELEZO), akifuatiwa na Baba wa Taifa Mwalimu Julius Nyerere ambaye pia ni marehemu, David Saileni ambaye wakati huo akiwa mpigapicha mwandamizi wa Sinema, upande wa Idara ya Habari, (Film Unit), Juma Dihule, Mpigapicha Mkuu SHIHATA, Marehemu Adnani Mihanji, Mpigapicha Mwaandamizi, SHIHATA na Moshy Kiyungi, Mpigapicha mwandamizi ( Idara ya Habari).
Walioketi toka kushoto, Steven Kasange, IKULU, Charles Kagonji , Mkutubi Mkuu wa maktaba ya picha MAELEZO na pia akiwa mpigapicha, Gaspar Msilo, Daily News, Mwanakombo Jumaa, MAELEZO, Hatib Ali Mpichapicha Mkuu (Uhuru na Mzalendo) Raphael Hokoro , ambaye hivi sasa ni Mkurugenzi Msaidizi wa Idara ya Habari (MAELEZO).

Mwalimu Nyerere, Mama Maria na Mzee Mwinyi

Nimeona kwenye mtandao hii picha ya Rais Mwinyi (Mzee Ruksa), Mwalimu Julius Kambarage na mke wake Maria.  Sijui ilipigwa mwaka gani lakini huenda ni wakati Mzee Mwinyio alivyokuwa Rais.

Documentary about First Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere

Jinsi Wapinzani Walivyoteswa Enzi za Mwalimu Nyerere

Wadau, hapo zamani za kale, ukiwa mpizani wa Chama Kimoja, Ujamaa, Serikali, basi unakamatwa, unafunikwa macho, unaingizwa kwenye gari na kuzungunshwa, una minywa mapumbu au maziwa hadi useme. Usalama wa Taifa walikuwa wakali, maana kila kona moja alikuwepo. Nafahamu wengi waliokamatwa. Wengine walikuwa wanafunzi wa UDSM.

Someni Mkasa wa Ludovick S. Mwijage, utashangaa majina yaliotajwa huko!

L-R Sam Nujoma (Nambia), Kenneth Kaunda (Zambia), Samora Machel (Mozambique) Mwalimu Nyerere (Tanzania), Robert Mugabe (Zimbabwe) &  ?

***********************************************

TO READ MR. MWIJAGE's FULL STORY CLICK HERE:   http://zanzinet.org/files/darkside.txt

BELOW IS AN EXCERPT:

Having no baggage to claim, I proceeded through customs at Matsapha

airport, Swaziland, without delays, thanks largely to holding a

Commonwealth passport. I did not require a visa and had no cause to

explain my situation to Swazi officials. I proceeded to Mbabane, the

capital, taking a ride with an Eritrean UN official who had collected

a relation from the same flight.


By the time I arrived in Mbabane it was late afternoon, and I noted that

the following day was a public holiday. Finding accommodation was my main

concern as I wandered aimlessly along Allister Miller Street, Mbabane's

main road. As I passed Jabula Inn, a main road hotel, a lean man who

looked to be in his late fifties or early sixties emerged. Apparently

he had detached himself from a group of people he was conferring with

in the hotel foyer. He wore a fez hat and was far too dark to be Swazi

(most Swazis are light in complexion).


His right hand held a set of joined beads which he counted quickly and

repeatedly, as if he was meditating or praying although he continued

to talk with people as he did this. He gesticulated and looked at me

as if he recognised me. I returned the look, thinking I recognised him

from somewhere. We exchanged glances and it occurred to me that I knew

the man, but I couldn't recall from where.


He made the first move, greeting me in Swahili. I returned his greeting,

surging forward to shake his hand. There was no doubt the man I had

just greeted was the renowned Nairobi-based Tanzanian astrologer, Sheikh

Yahya Hussein. Now I remembered seeing his pictures in newspapers almost

every day, advertising his trade, although I could never work out how

he recognised someone like me he had never seen before.


Hussein invited me to his room, cutting through a long queue of people who

had come to consult him. He was, as he frequently told the Swazi press,

a prophet, faith-healer, palm-reader and fortune-teller, not merely an

astrologer who could determine the influence of the planets on human

affairs. He even told the local media that King Hussein of Jordan was

one of his clients, and he provided them with a photograph of him shaking

hands with the monarch. This, of course, generated more business for him.


Hussein led me into his room with quick, short strides, nodding at

people in the queue. He was booked in Room 1 at Jabula Inn and had a

room-within-a-room inside his quarters. This provided him with the space

he needed: one room for consultancy, the other for his private sleeping

quarters.


He invited me into his private room; it seemed there was someone else

in the consultation room. A beautiful woman, about half Hussein's age,

sat on the unkept bed, seemingly vegetating. She held a can of Castle

Beer which seemed empty. Hussein talked briefly to the man in the other

room, then joined us.


Africans generally respect elders as sages of infinite wisdom. Hussein's

professional standing and the trust others confided in him encouraged

me to tell all. Moreover, he had the title of sheikh, which, with its

spiritual overtones, projected a sense of moral purity and authority. To

my surprise, he knew quite a bit about my situation.


Before I had finished my story Hussein telephoned the receptionist

and asked her to come to his room. A tall, well-built woman with big

eyes arrived and Hussein instructed her to give me a room for several

nights at his expense. She agreed, but said the vacant room had to

be tidied up. As we waited Hussein asked me to place my paper bag,

which I still nursed on my lap, under his bed. He wanted me to go and

buy some articles for him. On my return I picked up my paper bag and,

being very tired, proceeded to the room Hussein had hired for me. It

was there that I realised that some items were missing: the telex from

Germany; the letter I had received from a friend, Amos Ole Chiwele,

a refugee recognised by the UN; and the cover of my air ticket.


I hastily returned to Hussein's room hoping to retrieve these items,

which I nevertheless doubted could have fallen out of the packet. A

thorough check under Hussein's bed revealed no trace of the missing

items. Hussein supervised as I searched the bed, all the time claiming

that nobody had touched my bag during my absence. I did not at any time

imply this might have occurred. The items had unfortunately disappeared,

rather mysteriously.


Swaziland granted me political asylum within weeks. But due to other

factors which I had overlooked in Kenya - Tanzanian troops were stationed

next door in Mozambique - the United Nations High Commissioner for

Refugees (UNHCR), in Mbabane, was working hard to find a country in

which I could be permanently settled. Indeed, on the day Cartridge and

I lunched together I had only one and a half months in which to leave

for resettlement in Canada.
**************************************

My diet consisted of boiled rice and fried fish; sometimes there was


simply no lunch or dinner because, as I was told later, there was a

food shortage in Mozambique. In the mornings I would get black tea with

a doughnut, sometimes nothing at all. Every morning for ten minutes I

was allowed out of my cell to pass water and wash my face; but washing

my face proved difficult with handcuffs. Lights blazed day and night,

their controllers oblivious to the lack of electricity elsewhere in

Mozambique. I felt as if I was in a grave, buried alive.


********

This was the second time I had been in detention, the first going back

to August 1971 when I was a student teacher at Morogoro.

I was detained at Morogoro merely for expressing a political opinion. I

had been appointed editor-in-chief of Mhonda college's newsletter,

which, as it turned out, never got off the ground anyway. Basically, the

newsletter intended to reflect the thinking of the college community,

using articles from students and staff. But an English lecturer had

insisted that all articles be censored before publication. I strongly

disagreed, setting him and myself on a collision course.

Mawaidha ya Mwalimu Nyerere

Mkapa Ahusushwa na Kifo Cha Utata cha Mwalimu Nyerere!

Duh!  Hizi tuhuma nzito kweli!  Rest in Peace, Mwalimu Nyerere!

**************************************************************

Kutoka Tanzania Daima

Mkapa Apigwa Kombora

•  Ahusishwa na kifo chenye utata cha Mwalimu Nyerere

na Mwandishi wetu, Arumeru

VITA ya maneno, vijembe na kejeli kati ya Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) na
Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA), katika kampeni za
uchaguzi mdogo wa ubunge katika Jimbo la Arumeru Mashariki, mkoani
Arusha imeanza.

Baada ya juzi Rais mstaafu, Benjamin Mkapa, kufanya uzinduzi wa
kampeni za CCM na kuipiga vijembe CHADEMA, chama hicho jana kilijibu
mapigo kupitia kwa Mbunge wa Msoma Mjini, Vincent Nyerere, ambaye ni
Naibu Meneja wa Kampeni wa CHADEMA.

Akizungumza katika mikutano ya kampeni maeneo mbalimbali, mbunge huyo
alishusha tuhuma nzito juu ya kile alichokiita ‘utata’ wa kifo cha
Mwalimu Nyerere huku akihusisha na maamuzi ya Mkapa kung’ang’ania
Mwalimu aende kutibiwa Uingereza baada ya kuanza kumkosoa juu ya sera
za ubinafsishaji.

Nyerere ambaye ni mmoja wa wanafamilia wa hayati Baba wa Taifa
Mwalimu Nyerere, akiwa amekulia katika familia hiyo, aliwaambia
wananchi wa maeneo hayo kuwa umefika wakati sasa Mkapa atoke hadharani
afafanue alikuwa na nia gani kumlazimisha Mwalimu Nyerere akatibiwe
Uingereza wakati mwenyewe alikuwa amekataa, akisema kuwa ugonjwa
uliokuwa unamsumbua tayari ulikuwa unajulikana na daktari wake,
Profesa David Mwakyusa, alikuwa tayari akimhudumia vizuri bila tatizo.

“Jana katika hotuba yake ametumia muda mwingi sana kuisema CHADEMA na
akanisema mimi kwa jina moja kwa moja, sasa ‘kanibipu’ na mimi
nimeamua kumpigia, tunamtaka kama anaweza arudi hapa Arumeru, aje
ajibu maswali ya msingi juu ya ufisadi unaomwandama. Alianza kwa kuuza
mashirika ya umma, akauza viwanda, ukienda leo miji mikubwa kama Dar
es Salaam na kwingineko, vijana wengi wamegeuka kuwa waokota makopo
kwa sababu hakuna ajira, viwanda viliuawa wakati wa Mkapa.

“Kwa kupitia sera yake ya ubinafsishaji akauza kila kitu, akauza
viwanda, wawekezaji walionunua nao wakafanya ufisadi wamegeuza viwanda
hivyo kuwa maghala ya kutunzia vitu vyao, viwanda ambavyo vingeweza
kuajiri vijana Watanzania vikauzwa kiholela kwa bei ya kutupa, vingine
wakajiuzia wao wenyewe. Misingi iliyowekwa na Mwalimu yote ikabomolewa
badala ya wao kujenga nyumba juu ya misingi hiyo.

“Mashirika yaliyokuwa yakifanya kazi vizuri au ambayo yalihitaji
usimamizi tu mzuri ili yafanye vizuri yakauzwa kiholela, yakauzwa
kifisadi, tena mkumbuke alianza kwa kuuza benki. Mwalimu kuona hivyo
akashtuka, akaanza kumhoji na kumkosoa hadharani juu ya sera yake
hiyo, jamaa (Mkapa) kuona hivyo akaona huu sasa ni usumbufu, akaanza
kumshawishi Mwalimu aende akatibiwe Uingereza, Mwalimu alikataa kabisa
akisema kuwa ugonjwa unaomsumbua tayari daktari wake anamhudumia
vema,” alisema Nyerere na kuongeza:

“Mwalimu alikuwa akihoji inakuwaje reli inakufa, yeye amekazana tu na
ubinafsishaji, Mwalimu akahoji inakuwaje anatoza kodi kibao na kutunza
pesa, kumbe Mkapa tayari alikuwa anaandaa pesa za EPA ambazo baadaye
ndizo mlizisikia kupitia kashfa maarufu ya mabilioni ya EPA. Mkapa
akamng’ang’ania Mwalimua akatibiwe Uingereza, akasema naye ni mmoja wa
wanafamilia yetu, basi tukakubali, lakini mnajua kuwa Mwalimu
alikwenda anatembea akarudi amenyamaza ndani ya jeneza?

“Sasa Mkapa atuambie ukweli juu ya hili, aje ajibu maswali yote haya,
nitakuja na vigongo vingine, lazima tupambane na ufisadi hadi mwisho.
Ilifikia mahali hata taarifa za ugonjwa akawa anatoa yeye Mkapa, oooh
mara Mwalimu amepatwa na mkanda wa jeshi, mara oooh leo imekuwa hivi,
badala ya daktari wake. Baada ya Mwalimu kufariki dunia, wakamwambia
yule daktari wake agombee ubunge watampatia uwaziri, ndivyo
ilivyotokea,” alisema Nyerere.

Aliongeza kusema kuwa pamoja na uhakika wa maisha yake baada ya
kustaafu ambapo anagharimiwa kila kitu kwa kodi za Watanzania, bado
Rais Mkapa alijimilikisha mgodi wa Kiwira ambao baada ya kelele nyingi
za nguvu za umma, zikiongozwa na CHADEMA bungeni na nje ya Bunge,
hatimaye umerudishwa kwa umma.

Alimtaka Rais Mkapa kujibu tuhuma juu ya ufisadi katika ununuaji wa
ndege, wakati tayari serikali ilikuwa na ndege nyingine mbili, moja
ikinunuliwa wakati wa Mwalimu na ina uhakika wa kufanya kazi kwa miaka
100 iwapo ingefanyiwa matengenezo kadiri inavyotakiwa.

Pia akamtaka kujibu hoja za Watanzania juu ya ufisadi wa rada, ambao
hata Waingereza wanaupigia kelele, baada ya yeye na wenzake serikalini
kufanya ‘dili’ kujinufaisha wao badala ya kuongoza wananchi.

Nyerere aliongeza tuhuma kwa Mkapa akisema kuwa pia anatakiwa kujibu
hoja juu ya mauaji ya Zanzibar ya mwaka 2001, ambapo kwa mara ya
kwanza Tanzania mbali ya serikali kuua raia wake kwa risasi,
ilizalisha wakimbizi kwenda nchi za Kenya na Somalia.

Akifafanua tuhuma za ufisadi dhidi ya Rais Mkapa, mbunge huyo alisema
kuwa kama Mkapa anataka kueleweka mbele ya Watanzania wenye uchungu na
nchi yao, anatakiwa kujibu hoja za msingi juu ya tuhuma hizo za
ufisadi zinazomwandama tangu akiwa madarakani hadi anastaafu.

Mbunge huyo ambaye alikuwa akihutubia mamia ya wakazi wa maeneo ya
Lenguruki, Poli, Sing’isia na Nkoaranga, alisema kuwa rais huyo
mstaafu anapaswa kuwa mmoja wa watu wa mwisho kusimama mbele za watu
kwani hali inayolikabili taifa kwa sasa, ikiwamo ufisadi uliotapakaa
ndani ya chama chake na serikali ya CCM, iliasisiwa tangu wakati wa
utawala wake, kwa kuanzia na sera za ubinafsishaji zilizoua misingi ya
viwanda iliyowekwa na Mwalimu Nyerere.

Kwa upande wake, mgombea wa CHADEMA Joshua Nassari, alisema kuwa
amegombea kwa nia ya kubeba ‘mizigo’ ya wana wa Arumeru kwani
anaitambua, hivyo yuko tayari kuibeba kwenda nayo bungeni Dodoma na
katika Halmashauri ya Wilaya ya Meru, kuwasemea na kuiwajibisha
serikali ili iwajibike kwa wananchi.

Joshua alionekana kuwagusa wananchi wa maeneo hayo pale alipokuwa
akizungumzia kero za kila eneo husika, kama vile ardhi, maji, afya na
elimu na namna ambavyo wanaweza kushirikiana pamoja na mbunge wao
katika kuyatatua, iwapo watamchagua yeye ambaye amezaliwa na kukulia
katika maeneo hayo na yuko tayari kuwatumikia akiwa anaishi katika
maeneo ambayo wanaishi wao pia.

Aliwataka watu wa Meru wasidanganyike na maneno ya Mkapa kuwa
atakwenda kumshauri Rais Jakaya Kikwete ashughulikie matatizo ya ardhi
katika wilaya hiyo, kwani alishindwa kufanya hivyo wakati akiwa na
mamlaka ya urais, hawezi kuifanya kazi hiyo kwa sasa kwani rais ana
hiari ya kukubali au kukataa ushauri wa mtu yeyote kwa mujibu wa
katiba yetu mbovu.

“Kwa mujibu wa katiba yetu mbovu ambayo tunataka tuiandike upya, rais
halazimiki kuchukua ushauri wa mtu yeyote, hivyo Kikwete anaweza
kukataa ushauri wake huyo Mkapa, aje ajibu hoja hapa kwa nini
alishindwa kutatua matatizo ya ardhi kwa watu wa Arumeru wakati akiwa
madarakani?” alihoji Nyerere.

CHANZO: Tanzania Daima 14 Machi 2012

CCM = Afro Shirazi Party + TANU

Sikiliza huo wimbo kuhusu Vyama Vya Siasa Vya Afro Shirazi Party na TANU

http://mwanasimba.online.fr/E_taarab_afro.htm

Bibi Titi na Mwalimu wakihotubia Wananchi enzi za TANU

Ziara Mbili za Ughaibuni Zolizovunja Urafiki wa Nyerere na Kambona

Ziara mbili za ughaibuni zilizovunja urafiki wa Nyerere na Kambona

Na Maggid Mjengwa

KUNA wakati nilimsikia Ahmad Rashid akitoa hoja bungeni. Wakati huo mbunge huyo wa CUF alikuwa kiongozi wa upinzani bungeni. Ahmad Rashid aliomba kambi ya upinzani bungeni ibadilishwe jina na badala yake iitwe kambi ya ushindani bungeni. Ni kwa vile neno ‘upinzani’ linatafsiriwa vibaya na wananchi. Spika Samwel Sitta alisimama na kutamka; “ Mtaendelea kuitwa hivyo hivyo kambi ya upinzani, kwa vile nyinyi ni watu wa kupingapinga tu!”


Na maneno haya ya Samwel Sitta yanatokana na historia yetu. Maana, haya ni makosa ya kihistoria yaliyofanywa na waliojenga msingi wa taifa letu. Na ndio tunayoyaona hata katika mfarakano wa miaka hamsini iliyopita kati ya Julius Nyerere na Oscar Kambona.

Na mara ile, mwaka 1965, TANU ilipoaachana na mfumo wa vyama vingi na kuasisi mfumo wa Chama kimoja Kambona alipata kutamka; ” Kwanini tupige marufuku ya vyama vingine vya siasa wakati tunajua wananchi walio wengi wanaipigia kura TANU?” Kambona akaongeza kusema; ” Bila shaka, umaarufu wa TANU utabaki kwa muda mrefu, lakini, je, pale umaarufu wa TANU utakapopungua, ina maana tuwe madikteta?” Alihoji Kambona.

Nimepata kukumbushia mara kadhaa, kuwa historia ni mwalimu mzuri. Na wanadamu hatupaswi kuwa vipofu wa historia yetu wenyewe. Kuifumbia macho historia yako ni kujiandalia njia ya kutumbukia korongoni, kwa kujitakia. Tunapoadhimisha miaka hamsini ya uhuru wa Tanganyika tuna lazima ya kuipitia na kuitafakari historia yetu. Kwa macho makavu na maangavu, tuangalie nyuma tulikotoka. Tuangalie tulipo sasa. Ndio, tufanye hivyo ili tuutafute mwelekeo mwema wa nchi yetu hata kwa miaka mingine hamsini ijayo.


Tuna maswali mengi ya kujiuliza, moja kuu ni hili; Je, ni nchi ya namna gani tutayotaka kuijenga na hata kuvirithisha vizazi vijavyo? Kwa maneno mengine; ni jamii gani tunayotaka kuijenga? Sisi wa ’ Kizazi Cha Azimio’ tulikuwa wadogo sana katika miaka kumi ya mwanzo ya uhuru na hata utekelezaji wa Azimio la Arusha. Nimezaliwa Ilala, Dar es Salaam, Machi 11, 1966.


Ndio, kuna mema mengi tuliyoyaona, lakini, tukitafakari sasa, kuna mabaya mengi pia tuliyoyashuhudia. Tuna wajibu wa kusimulia mema na mabaya hayo kwa manufaa ya Watanzania wa kizazi cha sasa na vizazi vijavyo.

Kati ya kumbukumbu zangu mbaya za wakati huo ni jinsi tulivyowaona wazazi wetu wakiishi kwa hofu. Waliogopa kushutumu mamlaka hadharani na kwa sauti. Waliishutumu Serikali na hata kiongozi mkuu wa nchi kwa kunong’ona. Wazazi wetu walimwogopa hata mjumbe wa nyumba kumi.

Ni ukweli, kuwa kwa wakati ule, Serikali na chama tawala havikuwa na uvumilivu wa sauti za upinzani.

Na siku zote, mamlaka bila upinzani huzaa kiburi na majigambo. Huzaa hali ya kutokujali na kukosa usikivu. Taratibu, huzaa hali ya kujisikia u-bwana mkubwa. Hali hii ikiachwa ikaendelea, basi, husababisha madhara makubwa kwa nchi. Huleta hasara kubwa kwa nchi, kiuchumi na kijamii.

Juma la jana nilimalizia kwa kuandika, kuwa makala haya ni jaribio la kuvunja ukimya wa juu ya nini kilitokea takribani miaka hamsini iliyopita. Ni mmoja tu wa mfano , wa jinsi umma ulivyofichwa ukweli wa juu ya nini hasa kilitokea kikasababisha mfarakano wa waliopata kuwa viongozi wa mstari wa mbele kwenye harakati za kuanzishwa kwa TANU na kudai uhuru wa Tanganyika; Julius Kambarage Nyerere na Oscar Salathiel Kambona.


Kuna aliyesoma makala yangu ya juma la jana na kuniuliza; ” Maggid, hivi wewe huogopi?” Ni kweli, kama ningeandika haya mwaka 1976 nilipokuwa mtoto wa umri wa miaka kumi tu, basi, vyombo vya dola vingenishukia mithili ya mwewe anayekishukia kifaranga cha kuku. Sio tu mimi ningeswekwa rumande ya watoto, bali hata mama na baba yangu wangetikiswa na dola kwa ’ dhambi’ ya kumzaa mtoto mwenye fikra za ’ kipinzanipinzani ’ na ’ kihainihaini’. Mtoto ’ anayepingapinga’ tu!


Na hapa ndipo kwenye moja ya mapungufu makubwa ya waliojenga msingi wa taifa letu; kuchukia wenye kufikiri tofauti na watawala. Na zaidi kuwachukia wenye ’ akili’ ya kufikiri na kuutumia vema welewa wao- hostility towards execelency. Si tunajua, kuwa utotoni tulisikia kuna maadui wa nchi wa aina mbili; maadui wa nje na wa ndani. Wapinzani ama wenye kufikiri tofauti ndimo walimowekwa wanaoitwa ’maadui wa ndani!’


Niseme tu, mfulilizo wa makala haya ni moja ya makala zangu muhimu tangu nianze kushika kalamu na kuandika makala magazetini. Na naandika nikiwa sina hata chembe ya hofu. Ni kwa sababu moja kuu; kuwa yanahusu historia yetu na mustakabali wa nchi yetu. Sote tuna wajibu wa kuandika historia yetu.


Hii ni nchi yetu. Hatuna sababu za kuionea aibu historia yetu, badala yake, tujivunie, kuwa tuna historia. Na ni unyonge na utumwa kusubiri wasomi kutoka Marekani na Ulaya waje kutafiti na kutuandikia historia yetu. Historia yako isimulie mwenyewe. Hivyo basi, tuna wajibu wa kuifanya kazi hiyo. historia itusaidie kutukumbusha machungu na furaha ya tuliyoyapitia kama taifa. Si kwa kuandika tu, hata kwa kusimulia machache tuliyoyashuhudia.


Niliahidi kuchambua zaidi juu ya marafiki hawa watatu; Kambona, Nyerere na Kawawa. Nitafanya hivyo sasa.

Naam. Julius na Oscar walikuwa viongozi vijana sana katika Tanganyika huru ya wakati huo. Ikumbukwe, wakati tukipata uhuru, Nyerere alikuwa na miaka 39 na Oscar alikuwa na miaka 36. Hawa walikuwa ni vijana waliokabidhiwa dhamana kubwa ya kuingoza nchi kubwa ya Tanganyika. Naamini, walikuwa ni wenye dhamira njema kwa taifa hili; Julius, Oscar, Rashid na wenzao wengine katika TANU.
Ukweli unabaki, kuwa Oscar Kambona hakuikimbia nchi yake kwa kashfa ya kuiba fedha ya Serikali au ufisadi mwingine. Na kwa utafiti mdogo tu niliofanya, nilichobaini, ni ukweli kuwa marafiki hawa wawili; Oscar na Julius walikuwa na mgongano wa tofauti ya kimaono ya kisiasa yaliyoathiri hata urafiki wao.

Maana, haiyumkini Kambona aliyeaminiwa na Nyerere akaja kuwa Katibu Mkuu wa kwanza wa TANU, akawa Waziri wa kwanza wa Elimu wa Tanganyika huru, akaja kuwa Waziri wa Mambo ya Ndani na hata kwa wakati mmoja kushika wizara mbili; Waziri wa Ulinzi na Waziri wa Mambo ya Nje. Kwamba, aje tena baadae kutuhumiwa uhaini na hata kushukiwa uraia wake.


Ndio, kwangu mimi, ya Kambona na Nyerere ilihusu zaidi mgongano wa tofauti za kimaono ya kisiasa . Na ukiingia kwa undani kwenye maandiko na simulizi utaupata ushahidi wa haya. Na kwa hakika, ili siasa ya nchi istawi, basi, inahitaji uwepo wa migongano ya kifikra. Hivyo basi, siasa ni migongano ya kifikra yenye kuhitaji majadiliano endelevu.


Tunaona, kuwa migongano ya kifikra kati ya Oscar na Julius ilianza kuonekana dhahiri katika ziara mbili walizozifanya kwa pamoja katika mataifa mawili tofauti. Ziara ya Marekani mwaka 1963 na ziara ya Uchina mwaka 1965. Na hapo katikati kuna jambo lililoopelekea uwepo wa mahusiano ya mashaka kati ya Julius na Oscar. Ni uasi wa jeshi wa Janauri 20, 1964.


Uasi ule ulipelekea Nyerere na Kawawa waende mafichoni, inasimuliwa walijihifadhi eneo la Kigamboni. Mjini alibaki Oscar Kambona aliyeshiriki kikamilifu kuwatuliza wanajeshi wale. Kimsingi, katika kipindi kile cha maasi, Kambona, kama angetaka, alikuwa na fursa ya kutwaa mamlaka ya nchi akisaidiwa na jeshi. Inasemwa, kuwa akiwa Waziri wa Ulinzi, Kambona alikubalika sana jeshini.


Baada ya ziara ya Marekani akiwa na Oscar Kambona mwaka 1963 ambako Rais John Kennedy alimsifia sana Nyerere kwa kuonyesha uwezo wa kiungozi , miaka miwili baadae, mwaka 1965, Nyerere na msafara wake akiwamo Oscar Kambona walikwenda China kwa mara ya kwanza na kulakiwa na Mwenyekiti Mao Tse Tung. Nyerere akiwa kwenye gari la wazi na mwenyeji wake Mao , alishangiliwa na Wachina wapatao milioni moja waliojipanga barabarani.

Pale Ilala tulikoishi, nakumbuka nikiwa na umri wa miaka sita tu, usiku mmoja pale viwanja vya shule ya msingi Boma tuliangalia sinema ya ziara ya Julius Nyerere Uchina . Nyerere aliiona China na alivutiwa sana. ” What we have seen in China is relevant to us”. Nimemsikia Nyerere akiongea hayo kwenye kipande cha filamu ya zamani kilichopo mtandaoni . ” Ana maana, walichokiona China kinaweza kikafanyika kwetu. Na Julius alianza kwa kubadilisha hata staili yake ya mavazi, yakafanana na ya Mwenyekiti Mao, na wengine katika TANU wakamwiga.

Ni nini kilitokea kwenye Mkutano wa TANU wa Januari, mwaka 1967 na kabla ya hapo. Mkutano uliopelekea kumalizika kabisa kwa urafiki wa Nyerere na Kambona. Fuatilia toleo lijalo.
http://mjengwa.blogspot.com

The Legacy of Julius Nyerere - Sinema Fupi

This is Part One
The Honourable Abdulrahman Kinana, former speaker of the East African Legislative Assembly and Tanzanian minister, has produced a short film entitled ‘The Legacy of Julius Nyerere’ which recently made its North American premiere at the Institute of African Studies’ March 2011 conference held at Carleton University in Ottawa.

The Legacy of Julius Nyerere - Part 2

The Legacy of Julius Nyerere - Part 3

Guardian Angel - Kitabu kuhusu Siasa za East Africa

Kutoka Uganda Record:

A new book reveals shocking details on Tanzania's Former President Julius Nyerere and the 1979 Kagera War !


Dr. Bisase's new autobiography Guardian Angel, published in Oct. 2009. It sheds new light on the true character of Tanzania's late and much-respected leader, Julius Nyerere and the UNLF intrigues in Uganda.

A new book on Ugandan history by a former UNLF cabinet minister reveals shocking details on Julius Nyerere, Milton Obote, Idi Amin, and Yoweri Museveni.

Dr. Arnold S. Bisase was the Minister of Health in the UNLF government, headed by Prof. Yusufu Lule, that took power in Uganda following the fall of Idi Amin's government in April 1979.

The Lule government was ousted in June 1979 after only 68 days in office, following a vote of no confidence by the National Consultative Council, the body that served as Uganda's interim parliament after Amin's fall.

A full, detailed review on the writing style, the author, and the times he describes will be published later by the Uganda Record. However, in rough summary, the book titled Guardian Angel sheds light on the following important areas of Ugandan history:

1. It is one of the very few books --- it is quite possibly the first --- to give the world an intimate understanding of one of the most respected and even revered African personalities: Julius Nyerere, the former president of Tanzania who died in Oct. 1999.

It is a book that will shock many readers in the way it portrays Nyerere so that far from the saint the Roman Catholic Church now believes he was and the heroic status he enjoys among Pan-Africanists, Bisase's book exposes the egomaniac that Nyerere was, the manipulation he was capable of, and how far from being a welcome liberation force, the Tanzanian army that invaded Uganda to overthrow Idi Amin left misery, death, and destruction in its wake and most of these victims were Ugandan civilians, deliberately targeted.

Very few scholars or journalists have ever dared question the Nyerere image. Some questions have been asked about Nelson Mandela, but never Nyerere. Julius Nyerere is to Pan-Africanists what the late Ethiopian emperor Haile Selassie is to the Rastafarians. All governments and politicians that led Uganda after Amin's fall have likewise held Nyerere in high esteem. This book will lead many to re-assess their view of the 1979 Tanzania-Uganda war and whether it was a liberation war at all.

2. The book is the first to give a detailed account of the events and maneouvres that led to the ouster, after only 68 days in office, of President Yusufu Lule, from the point of view of a Lule supporter and therefore, from Lule's point of view. This is an important new trove of history to be added to the Ugandan historical record. It is well known that there was much intrigue within the UNLF, even as soon as it was named in the northern Tanzanian town of Moshi in March 1979. This new book adds valuable new images and anecdotes to the story of the post-Amin period in Uganda.

3. The book gives an important description of the night of the attempted assassination of President Milton Obote in Dec. 1969, explaining the unexpected calm and disciplined way in which the Uganda Army and the Uganda Police handled security at impromptu roadblocks in Kololo in Kampala soon after the incident. Coming from Bisase, a staunch Muganda, it sheds significant light on the character of the Uganda Army of the late 1960s and is important in dismissing the widely held view of the 1960s Uganda Army as a bandit force of illiterate and murderous Nilotics. However, there was violence later against Baganda. Who might have been behind it? The book at least helps present the evidence to answer this question.

4. Guardian Angel departs from the generic image of Idi Amin as a bloodthirsty tyrant and while not an apologist for him, Arnold Bisase explains the forces that were at work in Tanzania in the 1970s, vying for power with Amin and at the same time engaged in rivalry with each other and using the method of sabotage and assassination of prominent Ugandans in order to gain the ascendancy and discredit Amin. The book adds its voice to the growing number of sources who are starting to question the claims that Amin murdered or caused the murder of 500,000 or 100,000 Ugandans during his eight-year rule and the view now emerging that exiled groups in Kenya and Tanzania used to stage abductions and killings in order for Amin to get discredited.

5. In its pages and glimpses into the lives of its various characters, the book is a reminder of the powerful and in some way privileged position that Baganda enjoyed in Uganda right up to the early 1970s, at a time in 2009 when most people, including Baganda, are starting to forget what life was like before the Ugandan economy was in the hands of people from western Uganda. Today, the impression is that Uganda will, for the indefinite future, remain in the hands of Bahima and Banyarwanda and most people are resigned to that. Dr. Bisase's book shows that there was a time that this dominant economic status was enjoyed by Baganda.

6. The book offers important new details into how Joseph Mubiru, Benedicto Kiwanuka, Michael Kaggwa, and other prominent Ugandans met their deaths during the Amin years, details that were absent in Henry Kyemba's 1977 book A State of Blood and other books and publications. The author knows what he is talking about, as he was a personal friend to many of these people and got to hear first hand accounts of the moment they were seized, usually by armed men in army uniform, and never to be seen again.

If Bisase knows this and only after 38 years or so has he come out to speak about them, and in which he appears to indirectly exonerate Amin, it can only be wondered if these families that lost their relatives know as much, in spite of their silence.

The book, in print in Britain where Bisase lives, is not yet available in bookshops in Uganda.

Viongozi wa Afrika Part II

L-R Rais Siad Barre wa Somalia, Mwalimu na Rais wa FRELIMO Samora Machel. Baada ya Msumbiji kupata uhuru Machel alikuwa Rais wa nchi hiyo. Alifariki katika ajali ya ndege Afrika Kusini.
Nisaidie majina. L-R, Rais Kenneth Kaunda wa Zambia, ?, Rais Indira Gandhi wa India, Mwalimu, Rais Milton Obote wa Uganda, ?
Rais Mobutu Sese Seko wa Zaire (Congo), Rais Kaunda wa Zambia nyuma yake na Mwalimu
Mama Maria Nyerere, Dikteta Idi Amin Dada was Uganda na Mwalimu

Kitabu kuhusu Mwalimu Nyerere

Dear Reader/Mpenzi Msomaji,

MDAHALO KUHUSU KITABU CHA UKOMBOZI WA AFRIKA NA MCHANGO WA MWALIMU NYERERE/ PANEL DISCUSSION AROUND A NEW BOOK TITLED: AFRICAN LIBERATION: THE LEGACY OF NYERERE.

Tembelea Bongo4ever [B4E] katika: http://bongo4ever.ning.com/?xg_source=msg_mes_network

Mwalimu Nyerere Dodoma 1995

Da Subi ametuletea hii:

J.K.Nyerere, Dodoma - Tanzania 1995

Marehemu Baba wa Taifa la Tanzania, Mwl. Julius Kambarage Nyerere alipozungumza na WanaCCM mwaka 1995 katika ukumbi wa Chama cha Mapinduzi huko Dodoma (nadhani ilikuwa ni Chamwino) kwenye mchakato wa kumtafuta mgombea wa kiti cha uraisi kwa tiketi ya CCM, Mwalimu alisema yafuatayo:http://nukta77.blogspot.com/2008/12/jknyerere-dodoma-tanzania-1995.html

Subi

Hotoba ya Mwalimu Nyeyere

Asante sana Da Subi kwa hii:

****************************************

Karibu kumsikiliza Mwalimu J.K Nyerere katika hotuba aliyoitoa sikuya Jumanne, Machi 14, 1995 katika iliyokuwa hoteli ya Kilimanjaro.

Hotuba ya Mwl. J.K Nyerere siku ya Jumanne Machi 14, 1995 (sehemu ya1/3)

Subi

Kumbukumbu - Baba wa Taifa, Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere

Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere 1922-1999

Nilibahatika kumwona mara nyingi akiwa rais wetu na nina story nyingi za kusimulia wajukuu wangu. Ni miaka tisa tangu atutoke siku ya Oktoba 14, 1999 huko Uingereza. Alikuwa huko kwa ajili ya matibabu. Alikuwa rais wetu wa kwanza na pia Baba wa Taifa.

REST IN PEACE

Kwa habari zaidi za maisha ya Mwalimu Nyerere someni:

http://allafrica.com/stories/200810130183.html

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/441768.stm

http://www.ippmedia.com/ipp/observer/2008/10/12/124364.html

Muungano - Maoni ya Adamu Lusekelo

Mwalimu Nyerere na Mzee Karume wakikamilisha Muungano 1964

By Adamu Lusekelo

Kutoka: Daily News

Wednesday, July 30, 2008

I first thought that the on-going blah blahing between politicians of the different sides of the political divide in Mainland and Zanzibar would go away. It was too petty to warrant any attention. But, as you know, politicians love attention. They have made it an issue. I haven't.

I find it too silly, to be given such attention. All I know is if some politicians in the islands want out they should be given that opportunity. Let's ask the people of the Zanzibar and Pemba sister islands. Over the years, I have had no problems with unions, especially with my chicks. If they want out, I let them opt out. You can't force someone to love you.

If some politicians in Zanzibar (nchi) want to be called a country otherwise they will commit ‘hara kiri’, then let’s call them 'nchi'. In fact I suggest that we should even call Zanzibar 'nchi' twice. The name should be Nchi Zanzibar Nchi! That way the united republic will be rid of this nonsensical debate.

The United Republic has mega problems. We cannot get water in Dar. I haven't heard anything from the Bunge. Zanzibar has been in the dark for almost two months. I have yet to hear of anyone in the House of Reps fiercely coming down on the Revolutionary Government in Zenj.

Our country is being looted left, right and centre by a cabal of politicians in collusion with international 'investors'. What do you get from the Bunge and the House of Reps? Nothing! Zilch! And now Premier Mizengo 'Pete' Pinda comes with the 'nchi' thing and the whole is awash with this silly debate. It shows how idle some circles in our society are.

I know that politicians have to speak something. But I think they have to speak using their heads, not their mouths! What does the average Zanzibari in Mwanakwerekwe in Zanzibar benefit from being called 'nchi'? Absolutely nothing! What does the average mainlander in Tabora Region benefit from being called Tanzania nchi? If the politicians think they will benefit from making an issue of the 'nchi' thing, they should stand out and be counted. They should stop to manipulate the issue.

Let's just ask the people of Zanzibar and Pemba if they want the Union or they want out – and then let's respect that choice. It is very boring to see politicians, especially in Zenj, wanting to make political kudos out of the Union issue. Be warned people of Zenj, as we are busy wasting people's time talking hot air about 'nchi' thing the people of Pemba are also stirring. They also want out. They want their own government!

And times have changed. You just cannot force a people to love you - not even using guns. For guns have the habit of running out of ammo. Once you run out of ammo the SMG is useless, especially when facing a population armed with 'pangas'. I think it’s about time we revved up the Union and ask the people concerned if they want it or not and not listen to political clowns who want to make political hay out of nothing.

The prices of food are forbidding; and the hospitals are empty with the doctors fleeing abroad. Now they even want to pinch our teachers. Those politicians are making an issue out of being called 'nchi'. That is total nonsense!

UN deputy Secretary General, Asha-Rose Migiro has just told Tanzanians that as far as she was concerned, the UN recognises a country called the United Republic of Tanzania, not Zanzibar! Knowing how silly some of the politicians can be, they must be seething and saying that the UN deputy secretary general should be caned for - saying the truth.

Any way, whatever the outcome of the referendum, I still would like my country, which I love very much, to be called Tanzania. That is whether there is another country called Zanzibar 'nchi' or another country the Republic of Pemba. Just go for it! Predictably, those fellows would go for each other’s throats so fast, they will never know what has hit them.

Wananchi Afrika Kusini waua Wageni Nchini Mwao!

MMalawi akiokolewa na Polisi!

Waafrika Kusini wakisherekea kupigwa na kuuliwa kwa wageni nchini mwao!

Leo kuna habari ya fujo zilizotokea huko Afrika Kusini. Wanasema kuwa wananchi wenye hasira wanaua wageni/wahamiaji kutoka nchi zingine amboa wako kwao. Mpaka sasa watu 22 wameuliwa. Kisa eti ni chanzo cha wao kukosa kazi! Wengi ya waliouliwa wanatoka nchi za kiafrika kama Zimbabwe, Mozambique na Malawi.

Wageni huko wanakimbilia vituo vya polisi na makanisani kuomba hifadhi kusudi wasiuliwe.

Hivi Afrika Kusini imelaaniwa nini? Watu ni wepesi kusahau. Miaka mingapi Tanzania na nchi nyingi za dunia ziliwasaidia waAfrika Kusini mpaka walivyopata Uhuru wao. Mnakumbuka Mwalimu Nyerere alivyozuia timu ya Olympiki ya Tanzania kushiriki katika michezo kwa vile Wazungu kutoka Afrika Kusini walikuwa wanashiriki wakati weusi huko wananyanyaswa na Apartheid? Mnakumbuka Dakawa na Mzimbo huko Morogoro? Na tusisahau hao WaSouth Africa walioacha mbegu Bongo!

Hebu tukumbuke ni MSouth Africa aliyesababisha ajali iliyotoa roho mpendwa Waziri Mkuu wetu, Edward Moringe Sokoine! Na yule jamaa yuko wapi? Je, ni moja wa hao wanaotaka kuona waBongo huko wanauliwa!

Askofu Desmond Tutu amewaomba waache kuua watoto wa watu waliowasaidia kutoka kwenye mikono ya Apartheid. Ni aibu!

Kwa habari zaidi someni:

http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=15&art_id=vn20080520055831988C677548

http://voanews.com/english/2008-05-19-voa31.cfm

http://www.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/05/19/southafrica.deaths/index.html?iref=mpstoryview

http://ap.google.com/article/ALeqM5gmIvAinmgwYn-UUN6RYP_l1wNu_QD90OR8P80

Kipanya Kasema...

Translation:

Kipanya (Rat Character) - If in Nyerere's time the decided to do this I don't think you'd have anything left to harvest.